Why people hate bihari




















By contrast, the percentage of non-Maharashtrians, and especially Hindi speakers, has gone up steadily, even though the rate of increase has declined in the last decade. A substantial number of the migrants are from UP and Bihar. Four years ago, I had pitched for a course correction after north Indian taxi-drivers in Mumbai were assaulted.

MNS workers even hurled bottles at the house of the ultimate national icon, Amitabh Bachchan, suggesting that he was partial to his home state of Uttar Pradesh. At the time, it seemed an act of temporary madness, part of a larger battle you were waging with your cousin Udhav for control of the Shiv Sena.

Four years later, I thought you had outgrown the politics of hate and violence. There was genuine sympathy in Mumbai for the beaten constables who had been targeted by a mob of criminals from the minority community. But if there is any issue over the mode of his arrest, then it should be sorted between the Mumbai and Bihar police, but to deliberately politicise the arrest is to do exactly what you are accusing the Cong-NCP government in Maharashtra of: make the police hostage to vote bank politics.

There must be zero tolerance for those responsible for the Azad maidan violence. Nor should the Nitish Kumar government in Bihar protect any criminal by asserting federal powers. But to stereotype every Bihari as a consequence as an infiltrator is to do irreparable damage to the idea of Mumbai, and, indeed India. Mumbai, like many great cities across the world, was built by waves of migrations.

What would Mumbai have been in the 19th century without Parsee and Gujarati entrepreneurship and in the 20th century without Sindhi and Punjabi business acumen? Therefore, I want to provide a platform to more and more educated people to come up and take the responsibility and join politics so that better policies are formed and unlike me more students do not have to leave their homes in search for better opportunities," he says. The version that Kumar is trying to paint is that of a new Bihar.

One that takes pride in its history, is worried about its present and exudes aspirations for its future. This genre understands the importance for education and knows how to use the latest means to pinpoint irregularities in what otherwise seem rosy promises. They are no more satisfied and are not willing to wait. It was perennially broken. It got repaired only after the Nitish government came to power. However, ab pyas badh chuki hai. We cannot keep gloating over the fact that we have been provided with roads and electricity.

We are teaching people to not vote just on the basis of promises. They need to question politicians on what they have done in the last 5 years," he says. Even while making lofty declarations on prospective development, politicians never fail to add a caveat: caste.

Caste hangs like an albatross around the necks of everyone in the state. Political parties are fully aware of the caste-based polling patterns which explains why candidates are fielded based on the dominant caste in the constituency. Voters here say 'jaan pehchaan ka hona chahiye', meaning he or she should be of the same caste," points out Kumar.

People born after the Mandal commission, which was implemented in , form the majority in the state. Bibhu Nandan Singh, a resident of Saharsa in Bihar, owner of a YouTube channel named Bihari No 1 having close to 4 lakh subscribers, found himself at the receiving end of caste-based hate in for one of his videos.

I had grown up during that time and wanted to show what I had seen. I had not named any politician nor did I mention any caste group in my video. However, after uploading, a lot of people started attacking me saying that I am casteist and I am trying to divide the society.

I was a science student. Humko pata hi nahi tha manuvaad kya hota hai. Followers of Lalu Prasad Yadav kept attacking me online," he says. Singh says he has no political inclinations but is often called out by various caste groups for his videos. Whenever I make videos against upper caste leaders I am tagged as Brahman virodhi. I am an artist and it is my responsibility to bring to light the concerns of this state irrespective of ideologies and political parties," he says.

Singh shares the same story of an unwilling migration. It made me believe that yahan reh jana bahut kaharaab baat hai. I saw my friends in college and work and thought why can they stay with their parents and not me," he says. The ace YouTuber left home at the age of 15 and has not been able to return ever since. Singh often found himself arguing with people trying to make fun of him due to his state identity. Hum kapra aur sarak hi bolte hain, kapda aur sadak nahi.

My friend used to tell me to pronounce 'sh' and 's'. I kept asking them that in order to gel well with people from other states, do I need to talk and pronounce words the way they do? Meri mummy to aise hi baat karti hai," he says. In order to voice his opinion he took it upon himself to speak about relevant topics on Bihar and present a picture that is real and away from pre-decided notions through his YouTube channel.

I have just two three objectives. Singh stresses on the need for the youth of Bihar to step and take the reins especially in a state that has 58 per cent of its population below the age of Another young Bihari who caught the eyeballs of many through her sheer novelty was Pushpam Priya Choudhary.

She defied the convention of forming a political party and threw open doors to a top-down approach. A daughter of a JD U leader herself, Pushpa remains largely incommunicado, her political backer happens to be a former bureaucrat. Meanwhile, Alok Pandey was mocked as "chawal" in his engineering college in New Delhi from where he graduated in They did not want to include me in their groups. I was looked down upon," he says.

Pandey now runs a TikTok page with 2 lakh followers. Activists can no longer carry out the work they had embarked on. They can no longer draw a salary, which means they cannot feed their families. With a season of failed crops and a cold winter ahead, the future is bleak for too many. We refuse to leave Afghanistan behind. We are asking you today to stand by us as we stand by them.

We will also use your donations to support our Afghan partners to pay their staff until they can regroup and make new plans, to use their networks to gather and send out information when it is safe to do so, and to seek passports and travel options for those who are most vulnerable and who have no option but to flee to safety.

Azadeh worked for a global organization offering family planning services. Standing for everything the Taliban systematically reject, Azadeh had no option but to flee to Pakistan. MRG is working with our partners in Pakistan to support many brave Afghans who have escaped Afghanistan because of their humanitarian or human rights work or their faith. They are now in various secure locations established by our local partners on the ground in Pakistan.

Although they are safer in Pakistan than Afghanistan, Hazara Shia and other religious minorities are also persecuted there. We need your help, to support those who put their lives on the line for basic human rights principles we all believe in: equality, mutual respect, and freedom of belief and expression. The situation on the ground changes daily as more people arrive and some leave. Aluminium mining in Baphlimali, India, has caused environment devastation and has wrecked the lifestyle of thousands of Adivasis.

For centuries, Adivasi communities like the Paraja, Jhodia, Penga and Kondh have been living amidst the Baphlimali foothills. For generations they have lived in harmony with nature. They lived through rain fed subsistence agriculture of millet, cereals, pulses, rice and collection of non-timber forest produce, e.

With widespread mining activities and linked deforestation, they have lost access to forest products and to the much needed pasture land in the vicinity of their villages.

Your help will mean that MRG can support communities like these to help decision makers listen better to get priorities right for local people and help them to protect their environment and restore what has been damaged. The above picture is of a tribal woman forcibly displaced from her home and land by District Forest Officers in the district of Ganjam, Odisha.

Her cashew plantation burned in the name of protection of forests. Please note that the picture is to illustrate the story and is not from Baphlimali. Esther is a member of the indigenous Ogiek community living in the Mau Forest in Kenya. Her family lives in one of the most isolated and inaccessible parts of the forest, with no roads, no health facilities and no government social infrastructure. The Ogiek were evicted from some forest areas, which have since been logged.

The Ogiek consider it essential to preserve their forest home; others are content to use it to make money in the short term. Esther has a year-old daughter living with a physical disability who has never attended basic school, as it is over 12 kilometres away. Young children living in these areas face challenges such as long distances to school, fears of assault by wild animals and dangers from people they may encounter on the journey.

Because the Ogiek have no legally recognised land rights, despite hundreds of years of residence in this forest, the government is refusing to provide social services or public facilities in the area. Ensuring that the Ogiek can access health services and education is essential and will mean that they can continue living on their land, protecting and conserving the environment there.

We are also advocating for equity in access to education and health by supporting OPDP to ensure that budgets for services are allocated fairly and are used well. The consequence of this wealth is that successive governments — colonial and post-colonial — have seen greater value in the land than the people. This has led to extensive open cast mining which is doubly damaging to the climate, despite the opposition of the Khadia tribe.

Archana is a rare example of an indigenous activist who is involved in UN debates; we need to support many more indigenous peoples and acknowledge their expertise. Minority Rights Group acts as a bridge between excluded communities and decision makers, telling indigenous peoples about opportunities to contribute and reminding decision makers that they need to listen to and involve all, particularly those with proven strategies of living in harmony with nature. Title Dr.

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